In August, the Cochise County Sheriff’s Office quietly executed a memorandum of agreement to participate in ICE’s 287(g) program, which allows local law enforcement agencies to enforce some aspects of federal immigration law. The program has been controversial virtually since its creation in 1996. It was under the auspices of 287(g) that infamous Maricopa County Sheriff Joe Arpaio terrorized and racially profiled Hispanic residents across the Phoenix area — many of whom became hesitant to call police when they needed help. Critics argue that, given these realities, 287(g) makes communi- ties of color less safe. But the Trump adminis- tration seems to relish inflicting insecurity on such communities and has pushed to rapidly and broadly expand 287(g). There are three “models” of the 287(g) program. The task force model allows state and local cops to act as immigration agents during routine duties, and the jail enforce- ment model deputizes local cops to “identify and process” undocumented immigrants arrested for crimes. In August, the Cochise County Sheriff’s Office signed up for the warrant service officer model, which “allows ICE to train, certify and authorize state and local law enforcement officers to serve and execute administrative warrants on aliens in their agency’s jail,” according to ICE materials. That model is the least aggressive in the 287(g) program. CCSO has only two warrant service officers and has tried to downplay the extent of its cooperation with ICE. According to CCSO spokesperson Carol Capas, the two officers dedicated to the program “can only serve warrants and can only do it in the jail,” and they “have no authority outside the jail.” Further, CCSO’s agreement with ICE states that individuals served these federal warrants may only be transferred to ICE custody following completion of local “criminal charges that caused the alien to be taken into custody.” Capas stressed that CCSO, per the agree- ment, could only hold people on behalf of ICE for up to 48 hours. In scant public discussion of the agree- ment, CCSO has tried to downplay its involve- ment with ICE. “We don’t want to get a bunch of furries and blow-up animals runnin’ around with signs in front of our jail,” a CCSO commander told the county board of supervi- sors in October, in an apparent reference to whimsical anti-ICE protests in Oregon. Whatever the case, though, the agreement marks a substantial reversal for Dannels. Though Dannels is a border hawk and rising MAGA star, he has long avoided programs like 287(g). He opposed Arizona’s Proposition 314, which made it a state-level criminal offense — policed by state and local agencies — to be in the country without docu- mentation. “We don’t have the infrastructure, we don’t have more personnel,” he said after voters approved the measure in November 2024. As recently as February, he was on record as not wanting to join the 287(g) program. County board of supervisors meeting minutes from that month show that supervi- sors asked Dannels if his agency would join 287(g). Dannels flatly stated he would not. He stated that joining the program would shift focus from local law enforcement efforts (odd, given that Dannels has built a career by playing up his proximity to the border). And, at any rate, said Dannels, CCSO already coor- dinates with Border Patrol to transport undocumented immigrants. Dannels also told county supervisors that participating in 287(g) could result in “imme- diate jail shutdowns due to compliance issues.” Indeed, Dannels spent much of the past two years trying to sell Cochise County voters on a new county-wide sales tax to replace the county’s aging jail, which he said was needed due to disrepair, overcrowding and overall concerns for staff and prisoners alike. Further, he has long complained of the cost of housing undocumented persons in his county’s jail. Nevertheless, on Aug. 7, Dannels signed a 287(g) agreement with ICE that addressed absolutely none of the sheriff’s historic concerns. According to the agreement, the partnership would not alleviate any jail popu- lation issues and does not provide any funding to address jail safety, repair or issues of compliance with federal detention stan- dards. In fact, the agreement was so clear about CCSO handling the full financial burden of participating in the program that it said ICE would not even pony up a dime for “printer toner.” But then, a little less than two months later, CCSO was awarded a federal grant. And with it, a big chunk of money seemingly set aside for Dannels’ MAGA proselytizing. Special money for a special sheriff Three weeks after Dannels signed the agreement with ICE, it officially went into effect. Four days after that, the Department of Homeland Security announced that money would soon be available for state and local agencies partnering with ICE — though, apparently, only for agencies engaged in the task force model. Nonetheless, about a month after the agen- cy’s partnership with ICE began, Christmas came early for the Cochise County Sheriff’s Office — and, seemingly, for Dannels in particular. In a letter dated Sept. 30, the Federal Emergency Management Agency — like ICE, an agency under DHS — awarded CCSO a $1 million grant through DHS’s Targeted Violence and Terrorism Prevention Grant Program. The majority of the awarded money was dedicated to CCSO’s involvement in the 287(g) program. Capas did not respond to a question about whether Dannels knew funding would be heading his way when he signed the agree- ment with ICE two months earlier. Significant expansion of 287(g) has been a key element of the administration’s war on immigrants. As of Dec. 12, the second Trump administration has increased the number of 287(g) participants from 135 before he reen- tered the White House to a whopping 1,255 in 40 states. CCSO and three other Arizona agencies are among that group, but CCSO appears to be the only one of them to receive any money for it. ICE records show that sheriff’s offices in Navajo County and Yuma County both signed warrant service officer agreements with ICE before CCSO did the same, while the Pinal County Attorney’s Office signed up for the task force model. Neither the Yuma County Sheriff’s Office nor the Pinal County Attorney’s Office responded to questions asking whether they are receiving any federal funding relating to their 287(g) involve- ment. However, in order for either agency to accept such a grant, their respective county boards of supervisors would have to approve it first. A review of available super- visory meeting records for both counties shows no trace of any such awards. The Navajo County Sheriff’s Office defi- nitely didn’t get any ICE money — even though they are far more involved in the program than CCSO. Spokesperson Tori Gorman told CRN and New Times that the agency is working to bring a total of five warrant service officers online for its county jail — three more than are in CCSO’s jail — but that Navajo County will receive no federal funding as a result. CRN and New Times also asked both DHS and ICE whether they are typically reim- bursing costs associated with non-task force 287(g) models, but neither responded. So it appears Dannels’ agency exists in a league of its own. According to the grant letter, $825,000 of the million-dollar award is to be used over three years — from September 2025 to September 2028 — to fund the salaries and “employee related expenses” of two detention officers who will “process and handle illegal immigrants held at the Cochise County Jail.” Another $42,539 was set aside for the purchase of a portable X-ray imaging system used in explosive ordnance disposal operations. Beyond that, the math is a bit fuzzy. According to the grant letter, a total of $315,000 was awarded for “personnel” while another $234,966 was awarded for “fringe benefits,” which is generally understood to relate to employee benefits ranging from health coverage to retirement plans. There’s an additional $157,495 for “indirect charges” and $250,000 for “travel” — all of which is somewhat striking, given CCSO’s assertion that their two warrant service officers don’t do much. It’s that travel budget that literally has Dannels’ name on it. As is stated in the award letter’s description of this specific amount: “$250,000.00 for travel, training, confer- ences and expenses associated with issues and challenges as an International Border community. Sheriff Mark J. Dannels has a strong commitment to the Southern Border and challenges faced being a border commu- nity. Through collaboration and leadership with the American Sheriff’s Alliance which includes the National Sheriff’s Association (NSA), Southwestern Border Sheriff’s Coalition, Texas Sheriff’s Coalition (SWBS & TXSC), Major Counties Sheriff’s Association (MCSA), and Western States Sheriff’s Association (WSSA), Sheriff Dannels is spot- lighting the importance standing united and border security.” (Typos original.) Resorts and casinos So why the travel budget? Dannels, who has a history of association with far-right extremists and of making dubious border security claims, has used his office’s prox- imity to the border to leverage a burgeoning political career — particularly in the era of Trump. Dannels touts his relationship with Trump border czar Tom Homan. During the 2024 election cycle, Dannels appeared at Trump- and Homan-related political events. Perhaps most notably: Throughout 2024, Dannels took part in the Project 2025 Border Security Workgroup, which crafted policy proposals and plans intended to implement Trump’s promised mass immi- grant deportations and other national secu- rity objectives. The “main operational effort” of the subgroup was the creation of plans for the implementation of a new nationwide “multi-jurisdictional” fusion center-style law enforcement structure that would unite state, local and federal law enforcement under the direct command of Donald Trump. Cochise County Sheriff Mark Dannels hasn’t been shy about cozying up to the MAGA elements of the Republican party, including two-time Arizona candidate Kari Lake. (Kevin Dietsch/Getty Images) >> p 10
